In his recent column, Andrew Mwenda offers us yet another polished lecture on the supposed frailties of age and the perils of bold leadership. One almost admires the consistency. For years, Mwenda has positioned himself as the sharp-eyed diagnostician of Uganda’s ailments preferably from a safe distance, where concrete and steel do not interfere with elegant prose. But let’s experience how the President dismantles this facade.

The “senile” insult was meant to plant a seed of doubt, but the President uproots it entirely with one line: “At 82, I am still able to defend Uganda and myself with the Bible, the AK-47, and the pen.” This tricolon is deliberate; it signifies moral authority, physical force, and intellectual combat. For NRM loyalists and voters who remember the bush war, this isn’t just an old man protesting too much. It’s the liberation fighter reminding people that he is still standing. In this context, age becomes evidence of endurance rather than decline. It’s a brilliant judo move: using your opponent’s weight against them. 

By citing specific projects like Magoola’s factories, Senfuka’s herbal innovations, Tugume’s plant, and Kiira Motors, the President effectively shifts the burden of proof. He doesn’t just respond to Mwenda’s critique in vague terms; he challenges him to demonstrate the fallacy of his arguments on the ground. Even if individual projects are not perfect, this invitation reframes Mwenda as a commentator who is afraid to confront the evidence. It highlights the difference between a pundit and a participant, with the President positioning himself as the active participant. 

In terms of ideology, this is where the response transitions from good to sophisticated. Instead of defending the projects on technical grounds, the President reframes the entire discussion as a civilizational struggle. Critics are labeled “neo-colonial agents” and “do-nothingers,” while he presents himself as a Pan-Africanist advocating for value addition over dependency. The concrete numbers he presents? gold prices skyrocketing from $60,000 to $168,000 per kg due to refining and the increase in mineral refineries following a raw-export ban serve as proof points for this ideology. These figures are not mere statistics; they are evidence that resonates deeply, especially in the context of Africa’s history of resource extraction. The President firmly plants his flag in this territory and dares Mwenda to counter it.

We understand that failure can be viewed as a revolutionary virtue. The metaphor of a “baby learning to walk” is philosophically astute. It not only excuses setbacks but also redefines caution as cowardice and experimentation as patriotism. The reference to Kabamba, where the third attempt was the first success, lends historical legitimacy to this framing. The implicit message is that every transformative project requires tolerance for failure, and those who refuse to accept that risk are either timid or treasonous. This serves as a preemptive strike against fiscal critics and creates a permission structure for taking significant risks.

What is Mwenda’s motive? Accusing Mwenda of leaking cabinet discussions to spook investors is a tactically smart move. This doesn’t just discredit his critique; it explains why such criticism is dangerous. In one motion, the President positions himself as the economic steward safeguarding Uganda’s growth narrative (the 6.3% growth figure), while portraying Mwenda as either a willing or unwitting tool of destabilization. Adopting the “victim of elite sabotage” posture is a classic strongman tactic, but it works because it provides supporters with a villain and a rationale for dismissing future criticism as bad faith.

In Uganda’s rapidly digitizing environment, the unauthorized disclosure of confidential information poses a serious threat to national security, economic stability, corporate interests, and public order. Leaks by government staff, military personnel, social media influencers, journalists, and media houses often stem from ignorance of legal obligations, a desire for fame, political motives, or sheer recklessness. These actions are not just oversights; when they violate non-disclosure agreements (NDAs) or breach the Official Secrets Act (Cap 302), they become serious criminal offenses that warrant severe punishment.

The Official Secrets Act, enacted in 1964 and still in force, explicitly criminalizes the wrongful communication and mishandling of protected information. According to Section 4(1), any person who possesses or controls secret official code words, passwords, sketches, plans, models, articles, notes, documents, or information entrusted in confidence due to their government office, contracts, or employment commits an offense if they:

(a) Communicate it to unauthorized persons, except where duty to Uganda requires such communication.
(b) Use it for the benefit of any foreign power or in a manner that adversely affects Uganda.
(c) Unlawfully retain it or fail to comply with disposal directions.
(d) Fail to take reasonable care, thereby endangering its safety.

Subsection (2) further criminalizes the communication of information related to munitions of war to any foreign power or in any way that prejudices Uganda’s safety or interests. Subsection (3) targets those who knowingly receive such information in violation of the Act (unless they prove it was against their will). Subsection (4) addresses unlawful retention, sharing, or failure to return official documents or code words.

These provisions directly apply to modern leaks: government insiders sharing State House documents via WhatsApp, military officers posting classified promotion lists or operational details on social media, or journalists and influencers disseminating sensitive material without authorization. Recent cases, including UPDF officers jailed for social media leaks and investigations into mass State House document exposures, underscore violations of these rules.

Under Section 15 of the Act, if no specific penalty is specified, offenders are guilty of an indictable offense that carries a maximum imprisonment penalty of 14 years upon conviction. Alternatively, the Director of Public Prosecutions may choose to prosecute before a magistrate, with a maximum possible sentence of 7 years imprisonment. This strict framework reflects the serious nature of actions that endanger national interests, far beyond minor infractions.

While press freedom is constitutionally protected, the Act makes no exceptions for the media. Journalists or reporters who publish leaked confidential information, knowing or having reasonable grounds to believe it was communicated in violation of the Act, commit an offense under Section 4(3). Media houses that sensationalize or fail to verify such material for clicks or narratives amplify the breach, often turning protected information into public weapons that distort facts, incite division, or compromise security.

Social media influencers further exacerbate this issue by originating or sharing damaging posts, sometimes directly involving official secrets, for engagement or personal agendas. Their viral reach can transform isolated leaks into national crises, yet they too fall under the Act’s prohibitions on unauthorized communication or receipt.

The Edward Snowden case serves as a powerful precedent. In 2013, Snowden leaked thousands of classified NSA documents, which led to charges against him under the Espionage Act for unauthorized disclosure and theft, offenses that carry decades in prison. Authorities considered his actions to have caused “tremendous damage” to national security, exposing military secrets unrelated to privacy and potentially aiding adversaries. Snowden fled into exile, demonstrating that bypassing established channels for public disclosure can invoke severe consequences.

In Uganda, similar rationale applies: leaks under the Official Secrets Act can expose defense strategies, oil negotiations, or anti-corruption efforts to foreign powers or internal threats. Just as the U.S. treated Snowden’s breach as a betrayal deserving pursuit, Uganda must rigorously apply the Act’s penalties, which can include up to 14 years of imprisonment, to deter leakers in all roles. Leniency fosters repetition; strict enforcement safeguards national sovereignty.

To protect Uganda’s future, accountability must be unwavering:

• Government staff and insiders who originate leaks violate entrusted confidence and face primary liability under Section 4, risking dismissal, prosecution, and lengthy imprisonment.
• Journalists and reporters who knowingly publish or receive prohibited information must also be held accountable.

By ensuring strict accountability across the board, Uganda can strengthen its commitment to national security and integrity.

In a significant step toward enhanced bilateral relations, Ugandan President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni visited Tanzania to hold high-level talks with President Samia Suluhu Hassan. The discussions, held in Dar es Salaam, centered on strengthening cooperation in energy development, trade facilitation, infrastructure, and regional peace. While the agenda covered a broad spectrum of mutual interests, the spotlight was firmly on the energy sector, particularly the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and related initiatives that promise to transform the economic landscapes of both nations.

During a joint press briefing following the bilateral meetings, President Samia announced that the two leaders had reviewed the progress of key energy infrastructure projects. She emphasized that the EACOP project remains on track, with oil transportation slated to commence in July 2026. This 1,443-kilometer pipeline, stretching from Uganda’s Albertine Graben to the Tanzanian port of Tanga, represents a cornerstone of East Africa’s energy ambitions, enabling Uganda to export its crude oil reserves for the first time.

The EACOP, a joint venture involving TotalEnergies, China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), and the governments of Uganda and Tanzania, is not just a conduit for oil but a catalyst for regional economic integration. President Samia highlighted additional cooperative ventures, including plans for a gas pipeline from Tanzania to Uganda and a refined oil pipeline from Uganda to Tanga. These projects position Tanzania as a vital export corridor for Uganda’s petroleum products, fostering shared prosperity through joint energy production aimed at meeting domestic demands while tapping into regional and international markets.

Building on this momentum, recent developments underscore the project’s commitment to local empowerment and innovation. Just weeks before the presidential summit, on January 30, 2026, EACOP hosted its first Supplier Development Forum of the year at the Sheraton Hotel in Kampala. The event drew over 200 in-person attendees and more than 800 online participants, showcasing robust interest from Ugandan businesses in the project’s commissioning and operations phases.

EACOP Deputy Managing Director John Bosco Habumugisha stressed that local content is integral to the project’s vision, urging Ugandan companies to seize opportunities in specialized equipment, technical services, and procurement. Presentations from industry experts, including Kamal Bouzalmata (Commissioning Manager) and Christophe Carmon (Deputy Field Operations Director), outlined avenues for sustainable engagement, emphasizing collaboration with Tier One contractors and adherence to high standards.

Jimmy Mugerwa from the Industry Enhancement Centre highlighted how such initiatives extend benefits to local communities through capacity building, job creation, and technology transfer. The forum reinforced EACOP’s role in bolstering national content, with the pipeline’s construction combined with Uganda’s Tilenga and Kingfisher upstream projects expected to generate substantial tax revenues for both host governments, create thousands of jobs, and enhance the trade corridor between Uganda and Tanzania.

Innovation is at the heart of EACOP’s design, setting it apart as a forward-thinking infrastructure project. One standout feature is the integration of fibre optic cables with an advanced detection and analytical system for continuous monitoring. This technology enables early detection of soil movements or landslides, identifies potential intrusions along the pipeline’s right-of-way, detects temperature variations signaling leaks or exposures, and allows for sectional isolation via in-line block valves to minimize environmental risks.

Equally impressive is EACOP’s hybrid power generation system, which combines grid connections from Tanzania and Uganda with battery banks, a solar farm at the Tanga terminal, and backup combustion engines. This setup achieves at least a 30% reduction in carbon footprint compared to traditional systems. The 4MWp solar farm, spanning an area equivalent to two football pitches and comprising 6,200 panels, along with battery energy storage systems (BESS) to handle grid instabilities, exemplifies the project’s environmental stewardship. An advanced Electrical Management System (EMS) ensures seamless integration of these diverse power sources, supporting reliable operations across pumping stations and terminal facilities.

Beyond energy, the leaders addressed trade and logistics enhancements. President Samia noted efforts to improve Ugandan traders’ access to Tanzanian ports like Tanga and Dar es Salaam, including requests for extended railway connectivity into Uganda to streamline cargo movement. Both sides committed to eliminating persistent non-tariff barriers, recognizing that such measures will accelerate economic growth and fortify the East African regional market.

On regional peace and security, the discussions focused on strategies for stability in the Great Lakes Region, with plans for dialogue processes to resolve ongoing conflicts. President Museveni echoed this sentiment, stressing the need to protect Africa’s hard-won independence through economic resilience and unity. He highlighted strategic security as a priority, noting that Uganda and Tanzania had tackled several tactical issues during the talks. Additionally, the leaders explored industrial specialization, with Tanzania leading in locomotive manufacturing and Uganda in textiles, to leverage complementary strengths.

In his remarks, President Museveni framed these collaborations as a continuation of Africa’s liberation struggle, emphasizing that true prosperity stems from producing and selling goods competitively to generate citizen income. He warned against external pressures from powerful nations, underscoring that Africa’s response hinges on internal strength and cohesion.

President Samia warmly welcomed Museveni, calling Tanzania his “home” and congratulating him on the National Resistance Movement’s recent electoral victory, crediting it to the party’s clear ideology and manifesto. She reaffirmed Tanzania’s dedication to close partnership with Uganda.

As the two nations move forward, the Museveni-Samia summit signals a renewed era of collaboration, with the energy sector, particularly the innovative and economically transformative EACOP, poised to drive sustainable development across East Africa. This partnership not only bolsters bilateral ties but also contributes to the broader goal of regional integration and self-reliance.